Army Corps Workers Defend Parental Leave with Direct Action

The doctor recommended at least 18 weeks to recover from childbirth. But Jane (whose name was changed for this article) was entitled to only 12 paid weeks under the Federal Employee Paid Leave Act. So she put in a request with her employer, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, for advance sick leave to cover the other six weeks.

But her request was denied; the Army Corps said her work was too important for her to be gone that long. Jane asked to discuss a solution. Management suggested filing a grievance and declined to discuss it any further, despite its contractual “open-door policy.”

A grievance process could take months. Jane was 38 weeks pregnant. She went to the office of her union, Professional and Technical Employees (IFPTE) Local 98, which called an emergency meeting at lunch.

Despite the short notice, the conference room was filled with members. Jane explained her situation in tears. She was afraid that financial hardship would compound the stresses of physical recovery and caring for a newborn. Moved by her story, members resolved to confront management immediately about violating the contract and disrespecting a pregnant worker.

Members wrote their demands on the conference room whiteboard, spread the word to the rest of the office, and presented management with a signed petition that same afternoon. The following morning, management entered a lengthy meeting, and emerged with a decision to grant Jane a combined 18 weeks of postpartum leave—just what the doctor ordered.

CHILDCARE FIGHT

This swift and successful campaign was possible because Local 98 has been democratizing its leadership structure and developing the habit of direct action. In the past, while local leaders were generally receptive to member input, they lacked a clear plan of action against attacks like the one on Jane. The union has gathered momentum over a period of years through relatively small, member-led acts of solidarity.

Local 98 members work for the Army Corps’s New York District, working on environmental and engineering projects on military installations around the state and in the watershed that feeds the Hudson River. For decades, members and leaders mainly used conventional strategies like the grievance process.

The change began in 2019, when several members found out about a memo from Mark Esper, then Secretary of the Army, saying civilian employees would no longer have access to the military childcare fee assistance program. Some members were parents who relied on the program to help cover the incredibly high costs of childcare.

Current employees would be grandparented in, but they wanted to defend the program for future hires too. So they started a pressure campaign, making cold calls and gathering signatures on a petition to Army leadership. The new policy was reversed one day before it was to go into effect.

SURVEY BOYCOTT

Galvanized by this success, the local moved on to bigger targets. Then-President Trump had issued executive orders streamlining the firing process, hampering federal unions’ ability to negotiate with agency leaders, and cutting down the amount of official time union reps could use.

Union members decided to abstain from the Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey that year unless management agreed not to implement these executive orders. Management is very competitive about FEVS participation rates, so the Commander conceded, and members ended the boycott.

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The local acted decisively again in early 2020, when the Covid-19 pandemic was raging through Manhattan and management wanted workers to stay at the office. Union leaders told everyone to work from home if they didn’t feel safe, and pledged that the union would take care of all the grievance paperwork if anyone was challenged. Expecting an overload of grievances, management relented and set up a tentative telework plan. Four years later, teleworking is the standard and enshrined in the contract.

Meanwhile on the national stage, Local 98 had teamed up with other federal locals to protest a government shutdown, pressure Congress to approve pro-labor appointees to the Federal Labor Relations Authority, and call for pro-labor language in major legislation such as the Water Resources Development Act of 2024.

IT ALL ADDS UP

As rank-and-file activity increased, members also sought reforms within the union. In 2023, the local changed its bylaws to redefine leadership responsibilities, increase the number of elected leadership roles, and allow members more input on internal union business.

A board of elected stewards was created to represent different groups within the membership, and these stewards got a budget to organize events—which increased awareness of union activity, communication between members, and recruitment of new members.

The quick campaign that won Jane’s parental leave reflects years of progress—members developed muscle memory for pulling off a successful action; the union created dispersed leadership, allowing for quick coordination; and membership grew through recruitment drives. Without this domino effect, Jane’s denial of sick leave would likely have gone uncontested.

With Trump back in office and openly threatening to scrap existing agreements, we expect we’ll be mobilizing plenty more—and further deepening the member democracy that helps us win our fights.

Daniel Kim is a member of IFPTE Local 98.